We feature each fortnight Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books.   
“EDGES OF EMPIRE” by Francis L. Collins, Alan Gamlen and Neil Vallelly (Auckland University Press, NZ$49.99); “UNDERWORLD” by Jared Savage (Harper
-Collins New Zealand, NZ$39.99)
Edges of Empire deals with the politics of immigration in New Zealand as seen and
interpreted by three academics - Collins (professor in sociology), Gamlen
(social scientist specialising in migration) and Vallelly (lecturer in
sociology). They focus on the years between 1980 and 2020, but naturally that
first have to discuss how immigration was dealt with in the 19th and
20th centuries. Much of their focus has to do with how different
Ministers for Immigration, in changing political parties, dealt with immigration.
They interviewed 15 former Ministers for Immigration – they had attempted to
interview 17, but two declined to be interviewed. 
In its Preface, it is explained that “Edges of
Empire” means New Zealand has largely withdrawn from what was once the British
Empire. Yes, officially our head of state is still the English Monarch, but
that is a mere formality. Since Britain entered what was first called the
Common Market – then the European Economic Community -  New Zealand knew it could no longer expect most
of its goods to be sold to Britain and hence New Zealand had to find new
markets. Up until the 1950s,  many
British [and Irish] immigrants came to New Zealand, and at that time New
Zealanders were regarded as British subjects [our passports said so]  And, of course, New Zealand law and much New
Zealand culture was built on British models. Our populace was mainly
bi-cultural  - Maori and Pakeha. But by
the 1980s, as New Zealand sought new markets, the country was made more open to
Asian immigrants – Chinese, Indian, Filipino and others  - and Pasifika people were settled here.
Gradually the country became more multi-cultural, though Pakeha has remained
the great majority.  There was an ongoing
problem of the large number of New Zealanders who emigrated and moved to
Australia. It was also in the 1980s that the Labour Party unleashed neoliberalism
and in their policies regarding immigration, they welcomed not only people with
skills, but also those who were entrepreneurs and could build money. The
National Party eagerly adopted similar ideas when they came to power again. The
authors of this book say in the Preface that “from a primarily bicultural
Maori and White settler nation until 1980” New Zealand has dramatically
diversified ethnically, demographically and socio-economically. They finish
their Preface by telling us that they are writing about migration governance
rather than migration itself – that is, how over the years the government dealt
with migration.      
Having set up the purpose of this book in the
Preface, Edges of Empire then moves, in six long chapters, to how
different Ministers for Immigration have dealt with their portfolios.
Chapter One “The Imperial Migration Regime, 1840-1980” In the 19th
century, the British Empire approved Europeans – but especially British –  settling in New Zealand. As the century moved
on there was grudging permission for some non-British settlers, Croatians, some
Chinese and a few others. By the end of the Second World War, the British
Empire was falling apart. New Zealand did show much humanity in taking in some
refugees after the war. By the 1960s, a great number of Pasifika people were
invited into New Zealand, mainly to fill domestic labour shortages. At about
the same time, and since the early 1950s, more Maori had moved away from rural arias
and settled in the bigger cities. Nevertheless, more British, Irish, Scottish
and [by the late 1950s] Dutch settled in New Zealand. But the great loss for
New Zealand came when Britain joined the European Economic Community and New
Zealand had to find new markets. More Asians were invited to settle in New
Zealand. At about the same time, there was controversy about “over-stayers” –
that is, workers who had visas to stay in New Zealand for a limited time, but
who decided to stay here permanently. The Labour Kirk-Rowling government
inaugurated “dawn-raids”, targeting “overstayers”; but it was the in-coming National
Party leader Robert Muldoon who ramped up the “dawn raids”, focusing on
Pasifika people. Not only did this raise much controversy, but it alerted more
understanding that New Zealand was no longer a “bi-culture” country, but a
“multi-culture” country.
Chapter Two “The Neoliberal Revolution and the Rise of Economic Multiculturalism,
1981- 1988” On both of the parliament’s aisles, it was decided that as far
as immigrants were concerned they should be the type of people who could
contribute to the New Zealand’s economy, therefore the most-wanted were those
with skills and those who were entrepreneurs. Labourers were not the priority.
Neoliberalism was in its prime.. but there was an on-going problem. Every year
between 1976 and 1982 many New Zealanders migrated to Australia – meaning a
loss of 100,000 New Zealanders. The Immigration Act of 1987 made it clear than
New Zealand was no longer an open door for Britain – up until then, Britons
were able to settle in New Zealand without going through any formalities. Now
those who wanted to settle in New Zealand had to go through the same processes
as any other would-be immigrant. 
Chapter Three “Globalisation and the New Migration 1989 – 1989” In these years,
migration was officially listed in categories as “General Skills” [people who
could deal with technology in its varied forms]; “Business Investor” [bringing
in money, setting up businesses etc.] “Family” [those related to people who had
already become New Zealanders] and “Humanitarian” [refugees]. For all this,
however, with many different ethnicities coming in there was a popular
backlash. Penalties for those who could not speak English were requested. At
the same time many Maori reacted more strongly at the idea that New Zealand was
now “multi-culture” country.
Chapter Four “Managing Migration 1997 – 2004” In 1996, parliament adopted the
M.M.P. [Mixed Member Proportional] system of voting. This meant new parties
were being courted by the established Labour and National parties. Winston
Peters ran with what the authors call “a stridently xenophobic  campaign”, but in the outcome the Labour
party also suggested that immigration should be tightened; and once he was
secure in parliament Peters adopted more moderate ideas about immigration.
Bringing in much money now came from international students [mainly
Asian].  Between 1999 and 2003,
international students in New Zealand who had visas to study at New Zealand
universities increased from 30,000 to 
120,000, 45% of whom were Chinese. 
At the same time, Australia had much harsher attitudes to immigrants.
Chapter Five “Security, Integrity and Modernisation, 2005 – 2011” As Prime
Minister, John Key was focused on bringing business to New Zealand, and by this
stage Australia, China, America, Britain, and Chile – in that order – were our
most important trading partners. But there was sometimes a tension between
marketing and dealing with authoritarian states, hence more stronger checking
of would-be immigrants. It should also be noted that the global financial
crisis always had a huge effect on New Zealand.
Chapter Six “A New Migration Boon and the Politics of Immigration Policymaking,
2012 – 2020” Between 2008 – 2012 there was a net emigration  loss of – 125,718. But by this stage net
immigration was being questioned. With so many coming into New Zealand [and
especially as in large cities, the largest being Auckland], infrastructure was
becoming inadequate, and there was a growing crisis in housing. It is only at
this point that the authors examine in some detail the Maori perspective on
immigration and how they relate it to the Treaty of Waitangi.   There
is a Coda called “The
Covid – 19 Interregnum” which reminds us that the prime-minister Jacinda
Ardern closed the border for as long as the pandemic lasted. and so to Conclusion, summing up all
that has been said so far. It has a passage about “Empire and Colonialism”
saying in effect that we are still in some way in the British orbit; and
near  the end we are told that “by
international standards, the politicisation of migration in New Zealand has
been mild and has not disturbed a dominant consensus on immigration policy.”
This is more-or-less what I had already understood in reading Edges of
Empire in that regarding immigration, different political parties tended to
agree, in spite of some grand-standing from a few politicians. By the way, in
writing this review, I have emphasised the nature of immigration itself… which is
rather different from the migration governance that that authors dealt
with.
I have one depressing fact. Some months back, I
reviewed Erik Olssen’s The Origins of anExperimental Society  an excellent account of the making of New
Zealand. But I cautioned that is was a hard read, more likely to be read by
academics than by the general public. With its precise statistics and data, its
detailed accounts of shifts in parliament and its length, Edges of Empire
will go down best with the academics. But it is a necessary book, informative
and giving a detailed account of how our populace has changed.
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            Jared
Savage is a journalist working for the New Zealand Herald. He
specialises in reporting crime. He wrote two earlier books, Gangland and Gangsters’ Paradise both of which were reviewed on this blog. In his introduction to Underworld, he says that “this
is the final book of a trilogy”. For the third time he looks at the most
sordid and destructive behaviours of gangs. He does not deal with one-off
murders or heists. He deals with peddlers and importers of dangerous drugs,
notably methamphetamine (“meth”), and how rivalry between gangs often leads to
major violence. He charts the lengths to which the police have had to go to
find and destroy “meth” and other Class One drugs like cocaine and heroin. Most
of his narratives are based on interviews with both police and some gangsters,
notes made in court when a trial is proceeding, as well as looking carefully at
files. He notes how crime has changed radically in New Zealand in the last few
decades. Where New Zealand had small-time home-grown gangsters, we now have
Asian, Mexican and other ethnicities working for syndicates and cartels, finding
ways to bring toxic drugs to us. The fact that Australia has deported criminals
back to New Zealand has not helped. Then there are the home-grown, patched gangs
[Mongrel Mob, Black Power etc.] who do most of the distribution of illegal drugs.
Savage notes “impoverished urban areas and provincial townships, with high
unemployment rates and social deprivation, were hit hardest by the meth trade,
and no more so than Northland”. This is one of the sorrows of this book. It
is the impoverished who have been most obviously degraded by the consumption of
meth. 
            Chapter
by chapter, Jared Savage presents us with specific cases. An account of how the
police, by careful detective work, reined in the boss of the Head Hunters in
Auckland who made millions out of meth. The murders in Tauranga as the Mongrel
Mob and the Black Power gangs vied for distributing drugs (the Mongrel Mob is
the largest gang and was the first to deal in meth).  The first attempts by Mexican cartels to bring
meth into New Zealand was in Tauranga, with its open harbour. The corruption of
baggage-handlers at airports who found ways of avoiding police surveillance when
bringing drugs in. The grisly death of a Chinese meth cooker who fell foul of
his colleagues, was murdered and his body was buried somewhere near the Desert
Road. The connection of local gangs with the Hell’s Angels. The impact of imported
Australian gangs.  …. and so many other
tales. 
Obviously it is all very depressing to read, but Jared
Savage has the skill to write specifically and in detail. The police are given
their due and there are some cases of hope as a few addicts see the light.