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“THE BATTLE FOR NORTH AFRICA”
by Glyn Harper (Massey University Press, NZ45)
Whether
dealing with the New Zealand military or with other armed forces, it is hard to
regard the First World War favourably. After a century, the causes of that war
have become obscure to us. The First World War has come to seem little more
than the clash of rival empires. Small wonder that, in recent years, New
Zealand’s best military historians have presented quite unvarnished and sometimes
unflattering views of Allied officers and men in action between 1914 and 1918.
See, for example, the works of Chris Pugsley, Andrew Macdonald’s First Day of the Somme (reviewed on this blog) and Glyn Harper’s Dark Journey.
But
as I’ve argued before (see the posting TheOne True Good War), the Second World War is usually held in popular memory
as a fully justifiable war – the defeat of Nazism and Japanese militarism – and
New Zealand’s role in it is esteemed. There have been some dissenters from this
view, such as Stevan Eldred- Grigg with his self-satisfied book Phoney Wars (reviewed on this blog),
which argued that New Zealand contributed little to the outcome of the war and
should have stayed neutral anyway. Eldred-Grigg’s argument was so unpersuasive
that his book seemed to have been written more to start arguments than to
enlighten anyone.
Yet
given the generally anti-militarist views of modern New Zealand, and given
fading memories, is there now a danger that the Allied cause in the Second
World War will become under-esteemed? Being born long after the Second World
War, I have no desire to see inflated patriotic myths revived. But I am
concerned that the Second World War be remembered accurately, and that how it
was fought is seen in relation to possibilities that then existed.
Hence
I welcome Glyn Harper’s The Battle for
North Africa, which is subtitled “El Alamein and the Turning Point for
World War II”. As a good military historian, Harper does not present a partisan
account of the clash between Allied and Axis forces in North Africa, but rather
presents as impartially as possible the story of how a series of major battles
were fought. This is a work of corrective memory in the face of incipient
historical amnesia. It is a welcome companion to the symposium book El Alamein and the Struggle for North Africa (reviewed on this blog) which Jill Edwards edited five years ago, and to which Glyn Harper contributed.
What
we generally call the Battle of El Alamein was in fact a series of three
battles fought between July and October of 1942. As Harper explains in his introduction
and opening chapter (“Military Background”), in 1940 the British under Wavell
had defeated Graziani’s Italian army in Libya; but in February 1941 Rommel’s
Afrika Korps and Panzerarmee landed in North Africa and pushed British forces
out of Libya and into Egypt. The thorn in Rommel’s side was Tobruk, defended by
Australians, which he attempted to besiege. But Rommel was starved of resources
(the RAF and British navy controlled enough of the Mediterranean to keep
supplies from him) and he had to abandon the siege.
Auchinleck
replaced Wavell as British commander but, says Harper, the 8th Army
that Auchinleck commanded was “clearly
dysfunctional” (p.21). British tanks (Crusaders, Matildas, Stuarts) were
inferior to German panzers and had a shorter range of fire. The 8th
Army had an ongoing problem in coordinating armour with infantry. Morale was
low. As a result, in May 1942, Rommel defeated Auchinleck at Gazala and was
able to take Tobruk in what Harper regards as the pinnacle of Rommel’s career.
The British had been “out-gunned,
out-manoeuvred, out-generalled.” As for Rommel’s chronic shortage of
materiel and supplies, there is this bizarre detail:
“As the British formations retreated, there
was little time to carry or destroy their logistical support bases. In July
1942, the Axis forces were using as many as 6,000 captured vehicles as well as
numerous British field guns with ample ammunition stocks. It is somewhat ironic
that the spearhead units of Panzerarmee were enjoying British bully beef and
Imperial Tinned Peaches while driving Canadian Ford trucks filled with Iraqi
fuel.” (Chapter 1, pp.30-31)
The
British were now on the defensive and what is known as the first Battle of El
Alamein took place in July 1942. As well as a numerical advantage in manpower
and materiel, the 8th Army had a great advantage in military
intelligence, given that general staff were able to read de-crypted Ultra
signals. In this battle, New Zealanders presented an effective counter-thrust
to the Italian Ariete division, and Australians and South Africans routed the
Italian Sabratha division. But even though this first Battle of El Alamein was
technically an Allied victory, it resolved itself into a series of minor
actions with neither side gaining great advantage. Auchinleck’s leadership was
hesitant and erratic and he often lacked the confidence of his officers. He
frequently berated infantry for, as he saw it, under-performing, and ignored
that lack of coordination between armour and infantry that had been one cause
of excessive New Zealand casualties at
Ruweisat Ridge. And while this muddled battle was going on, anti-British
Egyptian nationalists in Cairo were momently looking forward to being
“liberated” by Rommel; and there was the big “flap” in which British officials
and embassy staff burnt documents in the expectations of soon going into
captivity.
The
measure of both Auchinleck’s frustration and his army’s low morale is that he
seriously petitioned for the reinstatement of the death penalty (abolished in
1930) for desertion. Some of his subordinates (including New Zealand commander
Bernard Freyberg) wrote “appreciations” of what had gone wrong, including
arguments for the greater coordination of arms. Back in London, Churchill and
Alan Brooke argued that there should be a “clean sweep” of 8th Army’s
leadership. Churchill appointed General “Strafer” Gott to replace Auchinleck. Gott
was not renowned for his skills as a leader. Perhaps fortunately, Gott died
when the ‘plane he was travelling in, to take up his command, was shot down.
So
it was Bernard Law Montgomery who replaced Auchinleck.
More
decisive than Auchinleck, Montgomery ordered all plans for retreat to be
destoyed. He faced his first trial in August 1942 when Rommel launched an
offensive, generally known as the battle of Alam Halfa. Again the 8th
Army was, at first, on the defensive. But Rommel was severely ill, he had lost
contact with most of his sources of military intelligence and his offensive
bogged down when his panzers ran out of fuel. After six days, the battle was
over. This was the last Axis attempt to reach Cairo and it was again,
technically, an Allied victory. But it was by no means a knock-out blow. There
was no immediate attempt by the 8th Army to pursue Rommel’s foces
and morale in the 8th Army remained low.
At
this point, I put in a personal observation. For whatever reason, Rommel’s
reputation has remained high. There is a certain mystique about the man. But
Montgomery has aways seemed to me a less impressive figure and part of me
always wondered whether his reputation had been built up by British propaganda.
I therefore admit that my regard for him rose when I read Chapter 5
(“Preparation and Plans”) of Harper’s book. Churchill was anxious for a quick
and decisive victory in North Africa – something to impress American allies as
well as boosting home morale. He therefore nagged Montgomery about delivering
such a victory and wanted him to prepare 8th Army for an offensive
in September 1942. Montgomery would not be bullied. He stood his ground and insisted
that such an offensive required massive preparation and would not be possible
until October. He then prepared the ground carefully – a rigorous programme of
re-training troops, very extensive use of deception to lure Rommel into
believing that the offensive would come from a direction other than the real
one, and attempts to re-organise the use of armour. By this stage 8th
Army had acquired American Grant and Sherman tanks, far superior to
British-made tanks. Unfortunately in this matter Lt General Herbert Lumsden was
very uncooperative and Montgomery’s effort to form a corps de chasse floundered. Effective pursuit of the enemy remained
a weak point.
By
this stage, Rommel’s own preparations were entirely defensive. He had all
German positions protected by large minefields and was at first optimistic
about this defence.
So
in Chapters 6, 7 and 8 Harper gives in great detail his account of the second
Battle of El Alamein – the one that is remembered. The Allies had air superiority
throughout. British artillery overcame counter-fire. British night-attacks
demoralised some Axis units (German and Italian forces rarely attacked at
night). The deception plans worked well, as some of Rommel’s forces were at
first tied up in unimportant sectors. British sappers made effective breaches
in Rommel’s protective minefields. 8th Army infantry (Australians,
New Zealanders, South Africans, Highlanders) generally reached their set
objectives. Rommel was aware that he could soon face defeat. He had been away
in Berlin on sick leave, and in his absence his subordinate, temporarily acting
as commander-in-chief, had died of a heart-attack. Rommel wrote “I knew there were no more laurels in Africa”
(quoted p.166)
Even
so, this was no easy battle for Montgomery and his army. It went on for twelve
days (Harper calls his seventh chapter “Slugging It Out”) and there were again
failures in the use of armour. New Zealand infantry and 9th Armoured
Brigade made a major breach in enemy lines, with great loss of life, but the 1st
Armoured Division was unwilling the exploit the breach. In spite of this, the
Panzerarmee was pounded and – despite Hitler’s orders that he stand his ground
– Rommel had no alternative but to withdraw 60 miles west.
Churchill
had the victory he wanted – the first British victory in the war against
German-led troops. Panzerarmee was never again in a position to attack Egypt or
reach the Suez Canal. Unfortunately, effective pursuit was again not
forthcoming. This is the basis of most criticisms of Montgomery’s command. Weakened
or not, Panzerarmee was still intact and the war in North Africa would continue
for another 6 months until the end of the Tunisian campaign.
It
is not only in his concluding chapter (“Reflections and Reputations”) that
Harper assesses the reputations of the military leaders. My impression is that
he believes Rommel’s reputation to be inflated and Montgomery’s to be lower
than it should be. In the text, however, it is Auchinleck, Lumsden and a few
others whom he most berates for their shortcomings. He is, throughout, aware of
the difficulties Rommel faced getting fuel and materiel when the RAF and Royal
Navy were regularly harrassing his supply lines. But he is also aware that,
despite its many material advantages, 8th Army was not an effective force
until it had an effective leader. In his Introduction he quotes Freyberg:
“Freyberg was right in that the Italians and
Germans on the Alamein position could not ‘stick it’ against the weight of
manpower and materiel wielded against them by an Army commander who
demonstrated considerable skill in their use.” (p.3)
He
skewers a number of myths, including the idea that Italians were inferior soldiers
to their German allies. In his introduction he notes: “The British Army at last showed it could beat the German Army in
battle, even though that army had been made up largely of Italians.”
(p.4) And: “While Rommel’s defeated
Panzerarmee contained many Italian formations, it is a myth that these units
did not fight well in North Africa in the Alamein battles.” (p.6) He
proves this by recording (Chapter 8, p.230) that the Italians’ last armoured
action, with much loss if life, gave the remaining Afrika Korps the chance to
escape.
As
a densely written and closely detailed work of military history, The Battle for North Africa often
requires patience and close attention in the reading. But it is a persuasive
and convincing account of a major battle that has often been obscured by
legend.
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