Something New

 We feature each fortnight Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books.

“FEAR – New Zealand’s hostile underworld of extremists” by Byron C. Clark (Harper-Collins, $NZ34:99); “A FIRE IN THE BELLY OF HINEAMARU – A Collection of Narratives about Te Tai Tokerau Tupuna” by Melinda Webber and Te Kapua O’Connor (Auckland University Press, $NZ59:99); “ENCOUNTERING CHINA – New Zealanders and the People’s Republic” Edited by Duncan Campbell and Brian Moloughney (Massey University Press, $NZ39:99)

Like every country under the sun, New Zealand has always had its quota of nutters who promote ridiculous ideas, conspiracy theories and various forms of xenophobia. During, and for some years after, the First World War, there was the Protestant Political Association which believed there was a sinister Catholic plot to take over the country. They had quite some traction in the 1920s, until saner Protestants told them to shut up and the movement fizzled out. During the Great Depression and up to the Second World War, a small minority of New Zealanders admired totalitarian states. A (very) few wrote pamphlets praising Mussolini or Hitler (in my own researches, I have discovered only one backcountry Kiwi pamphleteer who was a rabid Nazi). A larger cohort – but still very much a minority – sang the praises of Stalin’s Russia, in the very age of Soviet purges, show-trials, engineered famines and other atrocities. Rabid nuttery eased off during more prosperous times, like the 1950s and early 1960s, though of course there were passionate political debates.

But now, in the early 21^st century, small extremist groups are flourishing in New Zealand, often gaining the attention of thousands. Why should this be so? The main culprits appear to be the internet, mis-named “social media” and alternative broadcast channels which promote both misinformation and disinformation  - untruths told out of ignorance and untruths maliciously fabricated.

Byron C. Clark’s book is a systematic survey of extremist (or in some cases simply daffy) right-wing groups that there are now in New Zealand. The book is titled Fear, not because we should all be quaking in fear, but because such groups promote fear or are themselves fearful of things their imaginations have conjured up. Fear appears to have been written in the shadow of the occupation, in early 2022, of parliament grounds by protestors unified by their hatred of vaccination and mandated restrictions in the Covid 19 crisis. But, as well as the anti-vaxxers, there were many participants promoting other extreme right-wing causes. This event is the climax of Clark’s book in Chapter 22 called “The River of Filth” – a phrase used by an MP to describe the disgusting things said by the protesters.

In his opening chapter, Clark suggests that the believers in conspiracy theories etc. became a larger group thanks, in part, to New Zealand’s troubled economy: “The teenagers of the mid-2000s were becoming adults but with the traditional signals of adulthood, such as home ownership and secure employment, now largely unattainable…. Large numbers of millennial men lacked the upwards mobility that would see them gaining those markers of masculine success…” (p.12) So, argues Clark, more frustrated young men retreated into the “fantasy world” of video games and then podcasts promoting extremist ideas.

From this opening gambit, Clark moves systematically through the many movements and attempted political parties (all of which came to naught) that could be called right-wing extremist.  There was (Chapter 2) the disinformation spread about Muslims in New Zealand that could have inspired the Christchurch mosque massacre.  There was (Chapter 3) Action Zealandia, born out of the Dominion Movement, which called for white dominance and limited non-European immigration; and that linked up with the anti-vaxxers. As Clark notes, these movements had little impact. And yet there was (Chapters 3 and 4) the “Tube full of Hate”, the growing power of Youtube to lead lonely and young men to have their minds turned. Clark tells some anecdotes of how he and others were stalked by devotees of such disinformation when he attempted to discredit rationally what they had come to believe. Some Pentecostal churches, and Brian Tamaki’s Destiny Church (Chapter 7) stirred up ideas about the country being overtaken by Muslims; and were also among those opposed to vaccination for Covid 19. Clark is very sceptical (Chapter 8) about the New Conservative Party, seeing their policies as extremist. He dwells in Chapter 9 on the QAnon fantasy and other conspiracy theories promoted by Facebook algorithms. [Much of his data here is based on American, rather than New Zealand, sources.]. Advance New Zealand and Billy Te Kahika’s New Zealand Public Party (Chapter 10) were anti-vaccination. So too was Voices For Freedom (Chapter 11) and there was much anti-Chinese sentiment, given that the pandemic had originated there. Meanwhile the Outdoors Party (Chapter 12) was angry that many of their hunting outdoors pursuits were limited during the first wave of the pandemic. Clark wonders why so many Maori and Pasifika people were sucked into conspiracy theories. He points the finger (Chapter 13) at Apua Television’s Talanoa Sa’o broadcasts, which opposed both transgenderism and the government’s Covid response. Similarly (Chapter 14) he chastises Counterspin Media. Then there are the self-designated “sovereign citizens” (Chapter 15) who claim to be above the law and exempt from any prosecution should they commit crimes or misdemeanours; and the farmers (Chapter 16) who had legitimate grievances about water rights but whose movement was hijacked by extremists. At this point Clark moves into what could be called more niche specimens of extremism. There is (Chapter 17) the Hindu supremacist movement Hindutva which, taking its lead from India’s current prime-minister Modi, believes that all the millions of Muslims in India should be expelled. There are followers of Hindutva in New Zealand who have the same attitude to Muslims in New Zealand. There are (Chapter 19) nostalgic “Rhodesian” and South African settlers in New Zealand (quite a few of them) who still pine for a white supremacist regime. And Chapter 21 dives into the type of (violent and bigoted) science fiction and fantasies hard right people write; and makes reference to disinformation, coming from Putin’s Russia, that has been embraced by extremist groups.

Clark has researched closely, often enlightening us about movements and cliques of which most New Zealanders have never heard except, perhaps, in the most vague terms. Certainly there is much hate tied up in the groups and organisations Clark discusses and often there is an undercurrent of hard-core racism.

But there are one or two small matters that I would question.

Admittedly this is a book specifically about right-wing extremists; but only in one small statement does Clark admit that there are also left-wing extremists in this world., including in New Zealand. Clark accepts without question the definition of America’s Antifa as a “decentralised network of individuals who oppose fascism, racism and other related ideologies…” (quotation cited on pp. 74-75). Given that Antifa activists, hiding behind masks, themselves indulge in violence and vandalism, this is altogether too benign a definition. In spite of extremists’ exaggerations, China really does pose a threat to democracies in the Pacific – a threat which has been acknowledged even by our centre-left government. Chapter 18 is called “A Brief History of White New Zealand” and does indeed deal with the long-standing concept of white supremacy in New Zealand, but given its brevity it is inevitably hurried and lacking much nuance. It’s pushing it in Chapter 6, called “The Far Right and Catholicism” to imagine some sort of Catholic extremist front. The only evidence is a small group of Catholic traditionalists who have largely been disowned by the church. Then there is Chapter 20, titled “Women and the Alt-Right”. It concerns in part women who want to take up traditional roles as homemakers and mothers. In itself, this aspiration is not an extremist one, and yet it is observable that women who choose such a path are, nowadays, often held up to ridicule or abuse as if they are letting down the feminist side.

In making these comments I am not endorsing any extremist right-wing ideology, but I am noting that there are perfectly legitimate grievances that lead people away from what could be called the mainstream of thought. 

Finally, I have to add that in an interview he had with Kim Hill on Radio NZ National, Saturday 4 February 2023, I heard Byron Clark, who acknowledged that he had once been part of the extreme-left, claim that the extreme-left had essentially good aims; and he at least implied that the extreme-left had not been as destructive as the extreme-right. This is complete nonsense and suggests a lack of historical knowledge on Clark’s part. The extreme-left (Communism, Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism etc.) has imposed as much misery on the human race as the extreme-right (Fascism, Nazism, ultra-nationalism etc.). The fact is that extreme-left and extreme-right are mirror images of each other; and in all cases when they have gained power and become ruling states, they have created the same sort of state -  one-party state, strict surveillance of the population, no opposition allowed, dissidents severely punished, state-controlled press and all media, no respect for human rights and of course genocidal aspirations (hello Stalin, Hitler, Mao, Pol Pot etc.). No extremist ideology is superior to another. All are destructive.

Disconcerting Footnote: After the appalling Christchurch massacre, there was an outpouring of sympathy for New Zealand’s Muslim community. Many Muslim spokespersons were heard on television and radio. With a shudder I remember one Muslim speaker, addressing a crowd in Auckland, saying that part of the hatred for Muslims was the fault of “Jewish businessmen”. As I recall it, this item was shown once, and once only, on Television New Zealand. It remains with me as a reminder that even those who are attacked by bigots can sometimes themselves be bigots.

 

Interesting Footnote: At time of writing this post, I am aware that Otago University Press is going to release its own take on right-wing extremism in New Zealand. OUP’s book is Histories of Hate: The Radical Right in Aotearoa New Zealand, being essays brought together by three editors. Originally set for an earlier release date, its release was postponed. I wonder if this was because Otago University Press didn’t want it to clash with Byron C. Clark’s book on the same topic? Just a speculation.

 

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            Speaking as a Pakeha, I have rarely encountered a book as informative and enlightening about Maori history and traditional lore as Melinda Webber’s and Te Kapua O’Connor’s A Fire in the Belly of Heneamaru, subtitled “A Collection of Narratives about Te Tai Tokerau”. To remind you if you have forgotten, Te Tai Tokerau  embraces all iwi and hapu between the furthest north of Te Ika a Maui (the North Island) and Tamaki Makaurau (Auckland), so this is not a narrative of all Maori iwi, but it is a great primer in Maori origins and in Maori first interactions with European (mainly British) colonists. With many te reo texts, names and maxims cited, Melinda Webber and Te Kapua O’Connor nevertheless write in English, but published at the same time as this text, there is a Maori language version translated by Quinton Hita.

            The title A Fire in the Belly of Heneamaru refers to the founding mother Hineamaru’s fierce spirit. The book is introduced in a preface as a bilingual celebration of 24 tupuna (ancestors) as relayed and reported in whakapapa, korero, waiata and pepeha – genealogy, conversation or discussion, song and self-introduction or oratory.  Webber and O’Connor divide their work into eight categories and allow three biographies in each, so there are 24 narratives.

            First come Peace Makers and Mediators, being those who reconciled hapu and iwi after conflict or war. The authors thoughtfully acknowledge that many peace makers had often previously been belligerent warriors. They note, for example “Te Ruki Kawiti was a Rangatira who exemplified the complex interplay between peace and war, in that he espoused peace in some situations and was actively involved in war in others” (p.24)

            Then there are the Agriculturists and Entrepreneurs. Here the authors give a very clear account of traditional Maori skills in horticulture, raising and harvesting crops and knowing how and where to plant with the greatest advantage. It then morphs into histories of Maori in the early period of British colonisation, where they quickly understood and accepted new farming techniques, and adopted new crops, many becoming adept at milling flour. In this section, it is interesting to find Hongi Hika celebrated most as a shrewd negotiator who used missionaries and British officials, much to the advantage of his own iwi, but who also developed new farming methods and knew how to trade. But a closing paragraph does remind us that he also bought muskets: “This was to completely change warfare in Aotearoa and have a dramatic effect on the political power and influence of many Nga’pui hapu.” (p.51)

            Pioneers and Innovators concerns, almost exclusively, the strategies of warfare such as the art of evading a larger and menacing force and being able to take cover on either higher ground or in impenetrable forest. The climax of such arts came in the wars with British troops, who may have had superiority in numbers and firearms, but who often lacked the skill of overcoming a new and complex sort of Maori pa, and who were often unaware of the Maori skill in tactical withdrawal.

            In Political Leaders and Change Makers we are very much made aware of the authority and leadership skill of rangatira, especially when they were trying diplomatically to adjust to new norms while keeping their communities intact. After the Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840, Rangatira tried diligently to make British officials adhere to their promise that they would protect iwi and their rights. But conflict came. Of Te Kawua the authors remark “despite… [the] expectation that land would be shared between the two groups  [Maori and British settlers] it soon became apparent that the Crown was securing exclusive rights to land for British settlers”. (p.77) This led to Te Kawau’s less conciliar approach and was linked to the disputed taking of Orakei. It is interesting that in this narrative, we hear much of Hone Heke’s clashes and skills in warfare; but we are also told of his wife Hariata Rongo, who assisted him in writing the letters he sent. Apart from mythical or semi-mythical figures, she is the only woman who has an important role in this narrative.

            The last four sections of this book all reach back many centuries to pre-European times, and deal with origins and Maori arrivals. Thus Strategists and Tacticians deals with strategies of war used before colonisation. Audacious and Inventive Thinkers deals with the origins of certain groups and mythology (it opens with the audacity of Maui in stealing fire from the goddess Mahuika). Explorers and Discoverers deals with the very first probings and settlements in Aotearoa, determining where specific iwi and hapu would live (about this, the authors play very fair, noting that there are often alternative versions of many of these stories). Finally, bringing us back to the very beginnings of things, Navigators and Voyagers discusses the voyages from “Hawaiki” which, as the authors note, is not only a disputed term but is also as much a spiritual concept as a specific place.

            Much of this (exposing my ignorance) is a revelation to me. I cannot remember a book which so forcefully and clearly expressed a Maori interpretation of the past since I read Ranginui Walker’s Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou (Struggle Without End) back in the 1990s – but of course his purpose was to chronicle, and criticise, the whole interaction of Maori and Pakeha since colonisation began. The purpose of A Fire in the Belly of Heneamaru is quite different. It celebrates only one group of the Maori people, but in doing so it clarifies much about how things began and what repercussions there were. There should be copies in every New Zealand high school library.

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 I’m a little bit behind the beat in considering Encountering China subtitled “New Zealanders and the People’s Republic”. It was published in December 2022, which was the fiftieth anniversary of New Zealand and China establishing formal diplomatic relations. To make it tidy, editors Duncan Campbell and Brian Moloughney chose to celebrate the anniversary with an anthology of 50 essays written by New Zealanders, all of whom had visited China for greater or lesser times. Most of the contributors are Pakeha New Zealanders, but some are Maori and some are of Chinese descent or immigrants from China.

            Why was I so tardy in reviewing it? Because I chose to read the essays one at a time, using it a sort of bedside book, which meant I dawdled through Encountering China over a couple of months, mainly enjoying the various perspectives that the anthology presents. The anthology is divided into five sections – “Beginnings” (about New Zealanders first coming to know China); “People” (about outstanding individuals related to China); “Place” (literally about the effect of certain locations in China – and the things that happened there); “Occasion” (more-or-less about formal occasions and classroom interactions); and “Transformations” (about how people – Chinese and Westerners – have modified their perspectives of each other and are still doing so). But the fact is that the organisation of these essays into separate sections is a little arbitrary as many essays overlap essays in other sections of the book.

            All contributors to Encountering China respect Chinese culture and civilisation which is as it should be. All recount very positive and friendly interactions with Chinese citizens. Some contributions are bright and breezy pieces of journalism, such as Alison Wong’s account of negotiating her way through Shanghai. But I am interested to note that some contributors write in a very guarded way about modern China, while others are quite open in their criticisms of Chinese government and actions.

            As one might expect, the most diplomatic are the diplomats. Chris Elder’s introduction is a very balanced account of Sino-New Zealand relations, noting the benefits of our association but also noting cautiously the political difficulties; and the essay Elder also contributes is mainly a funny anecdote about Robert Muldoon’s behaviour when a formal Sino-New Zealand agreement was signed. Diplomat Nick Bridge does very much the same thing. Equally diplomatic is ambassador John McKinnon who seems mainly concerned with telling us how widely he has travelled in China. A number of entrepreneurs who trade with China are very polite in their contributions. Bo Li, a Chinese entrepreneur who has lived in New Zealand for the last 25 years, has nothing but praise for Sino-New Zealand trading. Equally positive is the Maori entrepreneur Mavis Mullins. In fact, of the diplomats and entrepreneurs, only one speaks firmly about the People’s Republic’s ambitions. This is the former New Zealand ambassador to China, Michael Powles. He writes of the friendliness and openness of the Chinese people and the surprisingly open discussions he was able to have with Chinese students about politics and human rights. But he adds “This is all very positive, but very serious questions remain: when will the treatment of the Uyghur people in Xinjiang be improved? And, in foreign relations, when will the ‘wolf warrior diplomacy’ experienced and felt in Australia and even the South Pacific be reined in?” (p.73)

            Apart from the diplomats and entrepreneurs, there are some very frank comments. Jacob Edmond (who learned Chinese in China) writes a literary essay about R. A. K. Mason and Hone Tuwhare, their admiration of post-1949 China and their belief that the Communist regime gave better treatment to ethnic minorities than other countries did. Edmond justifiably admires Mason and Tuwhare as poets, but he calls out one enthusiast for China’s ethnic programmes by remarking “Wilson might not have learnt much about China, where Han chauvinism is just as pervasive and pernicious as Pakeha chauvinism, and where the Ugyhur people today suffer its ugliest consequences” (p.99). Joe Lawson is scornful of Han Chinese xenophobia. A number of contributors, especially Mary Roberts-Schirado,  contrast a certain openness in China now with the horrors of the so-called Cultural Revolution. Others, like (one of the editors) Duncan Campbell go further, reviewing both the Cultural Revolution and the 1989 crack-down on students calling for democracy, which climaxed in the Tiananmen massacre. Brenda Sabatier’s essay is about being in Beijing when the massacre happened. Brian Moloughney (the other editor) contributes an essay called “1989: Beijing Under Martial Law”. What is interesting is that when he lectures (in New Zealand) to Chinese students about the Tiananmen massacre, they are very interested to learn what they have never heard spoken of in China. (Not mentioned in this collection, it is well know that Chinese media say the massacre was mere propaganda fabricated by Western sources.) 

            I don’t want to linger too much over these political matters, as the writers of Encountering China do deal with many other matters. But the political matters are important.

            Taking up as many pages, however, are essays about Chinese individuals who have given much to the world. Tony Brown celebrates Dr. Li Lairong, a Chinese botanist with New Zealand connections. Pauline Keating profiles Dai Qing, a remarkable environmentalist who still works in China but whose publications have sometimes been banned (because her environmentalism often clashes with the regime’s determination to industrialise at any cost). There are many memories written by New Zealand teachers and lecturers about how they reacted – or coped with – teaching in China. The final section of Encountering China in particular emphasises how New Zealanders have had their views changed by their Chinese experience. There are special connections, as in Ashalyna Noa’s account of being a Samoan New Zealander in China. And there are some very sad stories, as in Kerry Taylor’s account of the New Zealand Communist leader Vic Wilcox who was feted by Chinese officials in the days before China’s entente with the West; but who was abruptly dumped and reduced to being a nonentity once the entente was forged. I have also not mentioned the fact that some contributions are poetry.

            Encountering China is a very informative and varied collection – certainly fine enough to keep me reading it essay by essay over months. Only one curiosity – was one of New Zealand’s most important commentators on China, Anne-Marie Brady, not invited to contribute? Or did she choose not to contribute? At any rate, Encountering China does not make a big thing of that very dubious figure Rewi Alley, which is to the good. (See fleeting references to both Brady and Alley on pp. 289-290).