Nicholas
Reid reflects in essay form on general matters and ideas related to
literature, history, popular culture and the arts, or just life in general. You are free to agree
or disagree with him.
OUR
PUSILLANIMOUS FOREBEARS
A brief bedside story or two for you
to ponder this week.
As you know, in the 1930s European
politicians in democratic European countries were a pusillanimous lot. Instead
of forthrightly standing up to Hitler they kept appeasing him and giving him
what he wanted, in the hope that all his demands would be met peacefully and
there would be no repetition of the Great War. It was clear for all to see that
the Hitler state was an undemocratic state, that it persecuted minorities,
routinely committed gross breaches of the most basic human and civil rights and
was essentially bellicose. Even as late as 1938, Britain still had a more
powerful air force and navy that Germany; and France still had a larger army. But
in Britain and France, weak-kneed politicians were too concerned with their
nation’s comfort to do anything about this. To their great shame, the prime
ministers Neville Chamberlain and Edouard Daladier flew to Munich in 1938, and
sold out Czechoslovakia, knowing full well that once he had nibbled away at the
Sudetenland, Hitler would proceed to swallow the lot of that democratic
country.
What a cowardly bunch!
How gross of them not to do what WE would
have done in their circumstances!
They belonged to a generation that regarded
trade and national prosperity as more important that human rights and more
important than standing up to a totalitarian regime. Right until the Western
Allies were forced into war in 1939, private British and French (and American)
companies were still doing profitable deals with Nazi Germany.
As we sit and look at the familiar David Low
cartoons that are reproduced in so many school history textbooks, we
congratulate ourselves that we are so much more humane than this miserable,
spineless bunch.
Last month Hong Kong democracy advocates came
to New Zealand asking to see government ministers, simply to make clear what
their situation is. They are clearly menaced by the one-party Chinese regime
that wishes to limit, or withdraw, real and basic democratic rights and rescind
the special status of Hong Kong. By an extraordinary coincidence neither John
Key nor Bill English could see them. Neither could any government minister nor
any member of the treasury benches. Gosh! They must all be really busy people
not to be able make a spare half-hour.
Ah, but you see, my dears, we have many very
profitable trade deals with China, so that China is now one of our major
trading partners. And we now have a large ethnic Chinese population in
Auckland. Let us turn a blind eye to the undemocratic one-party Chinese state’s
clearly expansionist mood, as seen in what is now happening in the South China
Seas. Let us turn a blind eye, especially when representatives of the one-party
regime threaten retaliations should we officially receive any Chinese
dissenters, no matter how respectable and democratic they may be.
I’m sorry Mr Benes, but we have to shaft you
or Hitler might go berserk on us.
I’m sorry, democratic people of Hong Kong, but
the Chinese government might stop buying our milk powder.
There are some fairly obvious lessons here,
aren’t there?
First, high rhetoric about supporting
democratic values will often be trumped by the desire for hard cash and
favourable trade. Helen Clark’s government blocked from the delicate eyes of
Chinese government ministers the unsavoury sight of people protesting about the
Chinese colonisation of Tibet. John Key’s lot conveniently run away when faced
with real Chinese democrats from Hong Kong.
Second, comment on this has absolutely
nothing to do with racism or xenophobia. Remember how the Labour opposition
rather ineptly drew attention to the number of (non-resident and speculating)
Chinese who were buying up Auckland properties, and thus rendering most
Auckland real estate unaffordable to young New Zealanders? Gamely pretending
that no such situation existed, government members had great fun further pretending
that Labour’s motivation was racist and anti-Chinese. There were jokes about
how Labour had merely looked up Chinese names in the phone book, ho, ho, ho;
and subsequently whenever Labour members have asked the government to apologise
for something, some National backbencher is likely to ask Labour to apologise
to the Chinese people, ho, ho, ho.
Please remember, best beloved, that the
democrats from Hong Kong are also ethnic Chinese. To criticise an unjust
government and its representatives is not to be racist. To claim it is, is very
much like the familiar manoeuvre of the Israeli government in claiming that any
criticism of Israeli government policy makes one anti-Semitic or anti-Jewish.
Third, perhaps we should be a bit humbler
about the motives of people in the past. Yes, Chamberlain, Daladier and co.
were weak and missed a lot of opportunities to thwart Hitler. But was their
desire to avoid another war really all that base? Indeed, was it all that
different from what motivates our governments now? The deliberately simplistic
narrative of the 1930s, with which I began, is most often peddled by people of
a left-wing persuasion who, as often as not, ignore the fact that the British
and French approach to Hitler was exactly the same as that of the Soviet Union.
Uncle Joe was busily cultivating Adolf from 1933 onwards, and basically won the
race when the USSR and Nazi Germany went into alliance in 1939. Guilty motives
all around, folks, and not just in the democratic camp.
History never exactly repeats, and all
comparisons between different historical circumstances are open to criticism. I
adhere to the Just War theory, part of which says that a country should never
go to war when its defeat is certain. So I am certainly not saying that New
Zealand should now declare war on China. But I am saying that the New Zealand
(and Australian, and American) governments, in this particular matter, deserve exactly the same measure of respect as the appeasers of old.
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