We feature each fortnight Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books.
“SUPERIOR – The Return of
Race Science”, by Angela Saini (Harper/Collins, 4th Estate, $NZ36:99)
In
Superior – The Return of Race Science,
Angela Saini, a British citizen of Indian parentage, has produced an urgent and
timely polemic. Oxford-educated, Saini has a clear and simple thesis. In the
age of Donald Trump and the rise of race-based populism in many parts of the
world, there has been a covert return to “race science” – the flawed and
essentially unscientific attempt to “prove”, by genetic studies, that different
sections of the human family have different abilities, different types of cognition
and (especially) different levels of intelligence. Therefore, the argument
runs, there can never be real equality between peoples because some parts of
the human race are “superior” and some “inferior”.
This
quest is fuelled by the desire to feel that one’s own clan is more important
than any other: “Every society that
happens to be dominant comes to think of itself as the best, deep down.”
(Prologue, p.6) Countering this, Saini argues that all attempts to produce such
a genetic hierarchy are a chimera. Nobody has ever proven scientifically that
there is, with regard to innate ability and intelligence, a hierarchy of groups
in the human family. But “Race is the
counter-argument. Race is at its heart the belief that we are born different,
deep inside our bodies, perhaps even in character and intellect, as well as in
outward appearance.” (Prologue, p.7) For Saini, “race” is a social
construct, based on the observation of skin colour, customs and traditions. It
is not a biological category.
This
argument is so simple and forthright that I will now shamelessly take up most
of this notice by simply summarising, chapter by chapter, what Saini says.
After
her prologue she details how (Chapter 1) we human beings all, irrefutably, have
our origins in the Great African Rift, hundreds of thousands of years ago. We
are all the same species with the same origin, and this is the conclusion of
mainstream science even if there are still a few outliers who believe that
different human groups originated separately. Indeed recently there has been an
attempt to modify the truth of our common origins by claiming, in the system of
thought known as “multi-regionalism”, that after our common origin, different
groups of human beings separated and evolved in different ways, producing
“superior” and “inferior” groups. But
after this opening, Saini segues abruptly into tales of the most inhumane
denials of our common humanity. There was, for example, in the 19th
and early 20th century, the refusal of British settlers in Australia
to accept that Aborigines were fully human and hence a programme that amounted
to genocide.
She
notes a contradiction in 18th century Enlightenment thinking even
before the “science” of race emerged: “While
a few Enlightenment thinkers did resist the idea of a racial hierarchy, many,
including French philosopher Voltaire and Scottish philosopher David Hume, saw
no contradiction between the values of liberty and fraternity and their belief
that non-whites were innately inferior to whites.” (Chap. 1, p.25) She
notes, too, that archaeological studies in the 19th century
buttressed these attitudes: “English
biologist Thomas Huxley, a champion of the work of Charles Darwin, described
the skulls of Australians as being ‘wonderfully near’ those of the ‘degraded type
of Neanderthal.’ ” (Chap.2, p.29)
She
then sets out (Chapter 2) to show how “race science” emerged. Before anyone knew about genetics, the great
taxonomist Carl Linnaeus was, in the 1750s,
attempting to set out his systematisation of nature. He decided there were four
categories of human being “respectively
corresponding to the Americas, Europe, Asia and Africa, and each easy to spot
by colours: red, white, yellow and black.” (Chap.2, p.47) Although there
was no scientific underpinning for this categorisation – apart from superficial
observation of skin-colour – Linnaeus’ categories became the template into
which later European scientists attempted to force their evidence.
In this
period, in Europe, human zoos abounded in which non-Europeans were displayed in
enclosures as if they were a different species. It was the existence of slavery
on an industrial scale that really drove the will to believe that non-Europeans
were innately inferior to Europeans. To admit the equality of peoples would be
to undercut the whole rationale of slavery – so some means had to be found to
“prove” the inferiority of others, especially Africans. Not that all proponents
of racial hierarchies were necessarily conscious of this motive, or even
approving of slavery. Saini notes: “Darwin,
even though he made such a bold and original contribution to the idea of racial
unity, also seemed to be unembarrassed by his belief in the evolutionary
hierarchy. Men were above women, and white races were above others.” (Chap.
2, p.56) Likewise, “Darwin’s bulldog” Thomas Huxley went further down this
path, seeing the emancipation of slaves as a morally good thing, but never
believing that equal rights among races were biologically reasonable. (Chap. 2,
p.57) By this stage, ideologically-driven non-scientist amateurs, such as the
French aristocrat Gobineau, began to propose theories of white supremacy.
Enter
(Chapter 3) Mendel’s perfectly legitimate science of genetics and heredity.
This was rapidly misused to buttress claims of human inequality. And so began
the bogus “science” of eugenics – the idea that some peoples were worthy of
survival, some were not, and selective breeding should weed out the unworthy. Enter
Francis Galton, the relative of Darwin who invented the phrase “survival of the
fittest” and applied it to current society – “social Darwinism” in other words.
Galton and his followers wanted to “breed out” flaws in their own human group,
restrict reproduction among the poorer and less-educated classes of their own
society, and restrict immigration by people from other human groups. The
pioneers or birth control and family planning were fully on board with this
essentially racist plan.
Take, for
example, Marie Stopes, Britain’s first major advocate of birth control: “To support her first clinic, Stopes founded
the Society for Constructive Birth Control and Racial Progress. Philosopher
Bertrand Russell, too, suggested that the state might improve the health of the
population by fining the ‘wrong’ type of people for giving birth.” (Chap.3,
p.75) Take also the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Germany (renamed the Max Planck
Institute after the Second World War). From the late 19th century to
1945, this body of eminent German scientists took for granted a “eugenic”
approach to the science of genetics, and hence laid the groundwork for much
Nazi ideology. Take, too, the tightening of American immigration laws in the
early 20th century, to exclude Chinese, but also to exclude
“inferior” European peoples such as Russian Jews, Greeks and Italians. For it
is one of the ironies of race-based eugenics that once you start categorising
human beings by race, your catergorisation will never end. If Europeans were
superior to all other peoples then, apparently, some European groups were also
superior to other European groups. So began the mythology of the Nordic or
Germanic superman, the blue-eyed “blonde beast”, so superior to those
olive-coloured, brown-eyed Latins. In 1916, this nonsense was propounded in a
poisonous book The Passing of a Great
Race by the American non-scientist Madison Grant. A young Adolf Hitler
called Grant’s book his “bible”.
Some people
will argue, correctly, that such modes of thinking were “not real science” – but it has to be understood that, “real science” or not, a eugenic approach to genetics was mainstream thinking among
biologists and geneticists right up to the 1950s.
This pattern
of thinking was wonderful for people who now wanted to justify their right to
rule over other peoples in the vast British and French and Dutch and German and
other empires. It was also wonderful for people who didn’t want to extend
social welfare to the poor in their own society. After all, if the poor are
innately inferior to the rich, then there is no point in giving them assistance,
is there? Better to apply the Malthusian idea of telling them to stop breeding.
There was a
widespred refusal to admit that apparent inequalities between human groups were
really the product of such things as diet, wealth and poverty, education, traditions
– in other words cultural rather than biological factors. From the mid-19th
century to the mid-20th century was the heyday of eugenics. Again
and again scientists attempted to find some definitive genetic “proof” that
different races had different abilities or levels of intelligence. Again and
again they failed, because no such proof exists. But still the efforts
persisted, so powerful was that template of different races.
After the
Holocaust, and after the most brutal demonstration of where theories of the
inequality of races could lead, eugenics lost much of its hold. But as Angela
Saini explains: “the shift didn’t happen
abruptly. The Eugenics Record Office on Gower Street in London survived all the
way through the war. There is still a Galton Professor of Genetics at
University College London, funded by money Francis Galton left behind. What was
the Eugenics Society became the Galton Institute in 1989. In 2016, the
institute established the Artemis Trust, which according to its own promotional
leaflet, handed to me at a conference, distributes grants of up to 15,000 pounds,
partly with the aim of assisting in the provision of fertility control, and particularly
to those from ‘poorer communities’.” (Chap.3, p.83) Under pretence of being
philanthropists, let’s stop those smelly poor people from breeding.
Post-1945
(Chapter 4), overt eugenics faded, and new United Nations organizations such as
UNESCO stated specifically that all human beings were of the same origin. Race
was now more commonly seen as a matter for sociologists to study rather than
biologists or geneticists. Even so, some of the old eugenic scientists
persisted with their arguments. One of the most notorious examples Saini gives
is the highly-honoured Professor Reginald Ruggles Gates, who thought the new
consensus was a betrayal of “real” science and who was one of the people who
set up, and contributed to, the periodical Mankind
Quarterly. It was financed by a trust-fund created by an American
anti-integrationist at the time when Civil Rights for African-Americans were
being discussed. To the raspberries of most scientific journals, it continued
to claim that genetics supported the idea of the inferiority and superiority of
separate races.
Moving from
this, Saini discusses (Chapter 5) existing networks of far-right thinkers, in
academe and elsewhere, who continue to support such ideas, overtly or covertly,
and who regard themselves as “race realists”. Inevitably she discusses the
notorious 1994 book The Bell Curve,
by Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein (neither of them a biologist or
geneticist). From a selective battery of very flawed IQ tests, the book argued
that African-Americans succeed academically at lower rates than other ethnic
groups because they are biologically of lesser intelligence. We may like
to think that few “real” scientists accepted this argument – and indeed few
did. The book was roundly debunked in many scientific journals. But, as Saini
notes, there are some real and highly-esteemed scientists, such as one of the
first decoders of DNA, James Watson, who hold profoundly racist views. And such
view proliferate in an age of mass immigration, both in Europe and in America.
She further
argues (Chap.6) that some apparently benign scientific endeavours were seen by
many as introducing a resurgence of eugenics by stealth. Her major exhibit is
is the Human Genome Diversity Project. It was devised by people who wanted to
show that there was more diversity within human groups (e.g. Chinese)
than there was between human groups (e.g. between Chinese and Peruvians).
But the project was not received well by indigenous peoples who had previously
been subjected to “tests” by eugenicists trying to show their innate
inferiority. There was some resistance to giving data to the project… and some
rebarbative scientists did indeed use emerging data to reinforce views of
biological human inequality.
As
immigration has become a larger issue in recent years, there has also been an
anxious attempt to assert persisting national identities. Saini examines
(Chapter 6) the furore caused in Britain by the unearthing (in 2003) of
“Cheddar Man”, dating from tens of thousands of years ago and apparently
Britain’s oldest surviving human skeleton. Genetic tests suggested that
“Cheddar Man” probably had dark – even black – skin. At once there was an
uproar from the likes of the Daily Mail,
implying that crafty scientists were robbing Britain of its white heritage.
This ignores the obvious fact that, after our common origin in Africa’s Great
Rift, successive human migrations over millennia meant the frequent mixing and
re-mixing of different groups. It is indeed quite possible that, tens of
thousands of years ago, many inhabitants of what is now Britain had dark skins.
But this challenges the common myth, held in many countries, that ancient
migration created fixed and immutable human “types”.
And so we
come (Chapter 7) to “origin stories” – the stories we tell to explain where our
own particular people came from. Once, such tales were found in mythology. Now,
there are often attempts to cloak them in pseudo-science, always relying on a
strict selection of available data to “prove” a certain conclusion.
Saini cites the “Solutrean” hypothesis. This is the theory, based on very
little archaeological evidence indeed, that there was once a dominant white
race in the Americas which was progressively driven out, in very ancient times,
by hordes of non-white invaders. What is the true aim of such a theory (which
is, naturally, rejected by the overwhleming majoity of archaeologists)? It is
to justify the fact that white Europeans who came to America settled there by
conquering, and often slaughtering, existing Native American populations. If we
can say white people were here first, we can say we have a natural right to
this land, right? An obvious comparison can be made with Nazis who
cherry-picked very little archaeological evidence to teach that “Aryans” (who
apparently made pottery with swastika designs on them) were the first real
settlers of northern Europe.
Such claims
sometimes appeal to genes – to “race science”. Saini is quite clear about this
– it is an international phenomenon, not confined to Europeans. She notes that
in both China and Russia, there are institutions dedicated to “proving” that
Chinese (or Russians) have unique genetic features, separating them from the
rest of the human race and hence proving their superiority. Similarly, in
India, with the rise of Hindu supremacism in recent general elections, there is
a strong drive to suggest that Indians had quite different biological origins
from the rest of humanity. This goes hand-in-hand with the push to rebrand only
Hindu history is real Indian history. Alas, unscientific ideas posing as
science are now a global thing.
Inevitably,
then, Saini has to consider (Chapter 9) the matter of “caste” in India as an
essentially racist issue; and also the matter of IQ tests and how much they
have been a major tool for eugenicists and other racists. IQ tests have
frequently been used to suggest innate disparities in intelligence between
different ethnic groups. But geneticists themselves have come to understand
that, while there are genetic differences in intelligence within ethnic
groups (between a genius and an “intellectually-challenged” person, for
example), heredity has little to do with levels of intelligence in the general
population. Even when they are not culturally loaded, IQ tests simply measure
the background, culture and level of education of individuals. In other words,
IQ tests tells us about culture, not genes.
Giving at
length a similar common category error, Saini (Chapter 9) shows how some
statisticians came up with the idea that African-Americans were innately more
prone to hypertension than other groups in Amerca. On this assumption, drugs
for hypertension were marketed specifically to black communities. It was found
that while African-Americans did indeed suffer from higher frequency of
hypertension, so did some specific European groups, such as Finns. The common
factor wasn’t genes but diet – more particularly, the higher consumption of
salt-filled foods by both Finns and African-Americans. It was not innate and it
was not a matrer of genes, but a matter of diet. Similar claims have been made
about the frequence of stress and of schizophrenia in certain ethnic groups.
Always they can be traced more certainly to social factors, such as poverty and
adjustment to new environments, than to biological factors.
In her last
chapter and in her afterword, therefore, Saini sums up by condemning
“biological determinists” and again reasserting the falsity of “race science”
in attempting to find a genetic basis for human inequality.
If you have
made it thus far in my verbose summary of this book, you will realise that I
endorse Saini’s arguments and consider this book an excellent riposte to one
form of racism.
However, I
will conclude with two minor reservations.
(i.) Does
‘race’ exist or does it not? I agree with Saini’s argument that the
category of ‘race’ is popularly defined by superficial things such as skin
colour, eye shape, quality of hair (straight or crinkly etc.) and body shape.
But there is absolutely no real scientific evidence to differentiate human
groups in terms of intelligence, competence and brain-power in general. If
there are such differences, they are due to social factors and not to biology.
Having said all this, however, can one totally dispose of the term ‘race’, as
Saini seems to do? I am not endorsing ideas of inferiority or superiority, but
even the superficial differences are realities, and ‘race’ still seems a
reasonable shorthand for them.
(ii.)
Although she is on the side of the angels, I think Saini underplays the
malign but enduring attraction of eugenics [under other names] to some
people. True, she does describe eugenics thus: “Eugenics is a cold, calculated way of thinking about human life,
reducing human beings to nothing but parts of the whole, either dragging down
their race or pulling it up. It also assumes that almost all that we are is
decided before we are born.” (Chap.3, p.71) But she mentions only in
passing Marie Stopes and the connection between eugenics and racism, and the
founders, on both sides of the Atlantic, of family planning and Planned
Parenthood. Stopes was an ardent eugenicist, in the 1930s offering Hitler
advice on how to dispose of “unwanted”
human beings such as the mentally “unfit” and the chronically ill.
(Incidentally, although Saini mentions the eugenicist Professor Reginald
Ruggles Gates, she fails to note that he was Stopes’ first husband.) In America, Margaret Sanger, founder of
Planned Parenthood, had similar ideas, and proposed compulsory sterilisation. I
am fully aware that one much-circulated photo of Sanger addressing a Ku Klux
Klan meeting is a fake – but nevertheless, Sanger’s deeply racist ideas are
well-documented. And then, unmentioned by Saini, there is the much-esteemed
biologist Julian Huxley (brother of the novelist Aldous; grandson of Darwin’s
“bulldog” Thomas). I give shelf-space to Julian Huxley’s Essays of a Humanist and to his two-volume autobiography Memories. Julian Huxley was the first
director of UNESCO, which officially repudiated “race science”, but I find his
works bristling with the same old eugenics garbage. His Galton Lecture of 1962,
“Eugenics in Evolutionary Perspective” asserts
that “it is theoretically
inconceivable that such marked physical differences as still persist between
the main racial groups should not be accompanied by genetic differences in
temperament and mental capacities, possibly of considerable extent.” In the
same essay he is still promoting the sterilisation [albeit voluntary] of the
poor who are over-breeding. As for his Memories,
he devotes a page to telling us what fine and saintly people Marie Stopes and
Margaret Sanger, whom he knew personally, were in promoting the cause of birth
control.
Fewer of
them and more of us – yep, the old eugenics daydream still has legs.